The Russian government has stepped up its efforts to restrict access to independent media over the past year, employing increasingly sophisticated methods and advanced technology, researchers say. Data from the Open Observatory of Network Interference (OONI), a nonprofit internet censorship monitor, confirmed the blocking of at least 279 foreign and local independent news media domains in Russia this year, doubling the number of organizations identified in the previous report. Among them are media outlets from Russia, Ukraine, Finland, Latvia, Poland, Estonia and Israel. To restrict access to these websites, Russian authorities mostly use a method called TLS interference, which works by tampering with the secure connection that browsers use to access websites. When someone in Russia tries to visit a blocked news site, the authorities interrupt this secure connection, making the website unavailable. The Kremlin has long been involved in media censorship, but since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, this practice has become more pervasive. For example, following the European Union’s decision earlier in May 2024 to suspend the broadcasting of four Russia-associated media outlets, Russia announced that it would restrict access to 81 media outlets from EU member states. OONI data shows that their websites have been blocked in Russia since August of this year. Moscow’s censorship methods have also changed in recent years, both technically and legally, researchers said. Previously, website blockings were often inconsistent — "the same platform could be blocked in different ways and to varying degrees by different providers on different networks." Recently, however, Russia has begun using TSPU — a tool for deep internet surveillance and blocking. While each internet service provider manages its own TSPU system, the censorship is likely controlled centrally by Russia's internet regulator, Roskomnadzor, according to the report. In addition to blocking websites, Russia has also started blocking virtual private network (VPN) protocols and other tools that allow circumvention of the restrictions to certain platforms. Such measures adversely affect local independent media, which, in addition to facing restrictions on their websites in Russia, have been designated as “foreign agents” or “extremists.” According to OONI, these organizations face financial challenges, as the status of foreign agents means that they have limited access to advertising, partnerships, and events in Russia. They also struggle to find authors, access information, and work with sources based in Russia. Local independent media readers are also under threat: Interaction with material from “undesirable organizations” is easily traceable and can lead to criminal prosecution, researchers said. As a result of these difficulties and increased censorship, some media outlets in Russia have had to close down in 2024, while some professionals have withdrawn from journalism. “Yet many independent Russian media organizations have demonstrated a high level of adaptation,” OONI said. They use the so-called “mirror” websites, VPNs, and alternative platforms, such as Telegram, to circumvent the blocks and reach their audiences. Internet access in general also faces state censorship in Russia. Over the weekend, local authorities attempted to disconnect several Russian regions from the global network and test the country’s so-called “sovereign internet” infrastructure. During that time, users couldn’t access some foreign and local apps and websites, including YouTube, Google, messaging apps like WhatsApp and Telegram, and some services of Russian internet giant Yandex. According to a report by the U.S. nonprofit Institute for the Study of War (ISW), Roskomnadzor likely deliberately tested sovereign internet regions with Muslim-majority populations and recent histories of instability, potentially to disconnect them from services like Telegram in the event of unrest.
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Daryna Antoniuk
is a reporter for Recorded Future News based in Ukraine. She writes about cybersecurity startups, cyberattacks in Eastern Europe and the state of the cyberwar between Ukraine and Russia. She previously was a tech reporter for Forbes Ukraine. Her work has also been published at Sifted, The Kyiv Independent and The Kyiv Post.